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Tlapa History 4
This is a section in continuous construction. Next it will include precise references to each one of the developed subjects, as well as I connect to documents and other related pages.
· Historical Marco of the National Indigenous Movement
Mexico is a nation constituted from the culture and territories of its original towns. The splendor of different towns throughout hundreds from years, speaks of a cultural matrix that in cyclical form was developed from very remote times.
Thus, the present indigenous towns conserve the inheritance of political, social and cultural cultures that world-wide are recognized by their scientific advances, that distinguishes them like one of the great cultural matrices worldwide. Although it is spoken almost of a hundred of different towns, with his particular languages, traditions, uses and customs, all respond to fundamental common principles.
The History of the indigenous towns before the Spanish invasion and predatory war, is about to still to be written. Although many documents, analyses and studies exist, from century XVI to our dates, the immense majority happens through the sieve of the eyes of the conquering cronistas or of the investigators who leave from the principles of the western culture to explain which they had to be the motivations, aspirations and circumstances by which lived whole towns, that took to construct them monumental cities, later to leave them, or to make complicated ceremonies and to bury literally its knowledge.
During the predatory war and it conquers, the Spaniards developed a strategy of isolation, persecution and submission of all the towns that found. Inclusively, when receiving the news of the existence of some town, undertook military campaigns " of pacification " to demand for himself territories, wealth, women and men. Still at the present time it is not possible knowledge accurately whatever were the towns that disappeared completely before the total devastation of the unbalanced forces of Spanish imperialism.
The surviving towns were put under to forget and to apostatize of their own culture, under penalty of torture and death. The main arguments of the conquerors to assassinate the indigenous wise people, were the supposed idolatry, sodomía, witchcraft, witchcraft and heresy, that the million natives professed who have the news inhabited earth of which now it is Mexico.
During the Colony (of centuries XVI to the XIX) they are had documented numerous indigenous rises, against the slavery and the situation of extreme operation of the system of charges of the New Spain.
The revolution of Independence (from 1810 to 1821) was also carried out in many of its main battles by military units of the most different indigenous towns.
At the independent time the battles are already famous that indigenous armies freed during the continuous and bloody centralist and republican wars between. In those years also wars against invading armies got rid, result of which, Mexico lost two third parts of its territory before the military expansionism of the United States. In the lost territories by Mexico, they were left tens of indigenous towns, that would be persecuted in the fights of colonization of the then Coast the West of the United States, finally to be bordered to reservations. The Mexican aristocracy always has seen abroad its objective and salvation, for that reason it invited an Austrian prince to govern Mexico, but in the war against the French intervention to the rededor of 1860, the Mexican army, composed mainly by natives zacapoaxtlas defeated the 5 of May of 1862 to the imperial army of Napoleón and with it the empire of Maximiliano de Ausburgo in Mexico finished.
Once recovered the republic, being its president lic. Benito Juárez, native zapoteco of Oaxaca, undertakes the reconstruction of the country with base in a liberal program, that to the passage of history would be detrimental for the indigenous towns: for the sake of reactivating the economy, it confiscates the goods of the church and promotes the disappearance of the collective Earth possession on the part of the indigenous towns. Its project was to privatize the Earth so that thus it could be commercialized freely.
Later, one of the main military leaders of Juárez, also indigenous oaxaque6no Porfirio Diaz, would become dictator by more than 30 years, until the estallamiento of the Mexican Revolution in 1910. In their government, Diaz also was made surround by extranjerizantes intellectuals, called then " the scientists ", who impelled a policy of modernization, cradle in the impulse of the properties and the industry into the hands of the powerful ones. Diaz also impelled the development of the railroad like means to activate the economy, but also as a military tool to stop the inconformidad buds that arose in different points from the country.
For end of the first decade of century XX, the political and social situation was already unbearable. A group of intellectuals of the small bourgeoisie headed by Francisco I. Madero would dispute the presidency of the Republic in fraudulent selections, prisoner would be taken, and finally he would call to the revolt in the Plan of San Luis. Porfirio Diaz, when seeing the out of proportion growth of a movement shift in his against, where indeed the railroads played a fundamental role in favor of the revolutionary forces, agrees to with the small bourgeoisie its fall and leaves the country exiled in 1911.
Log to the front of the government gives samples of not wanting to fulfill its commitments with the forces farmers who supported it. Before which, the Army of liberation of the South, headed by Emiliano Zapata, proclaims its Plan of Ayala, that retakes the principles of the Plan of San Luis with the magonista motto of " Earth and Freedom ", and reaffirms the main demands of the indigenous towns and farmers of Mexico: the restitution of communal earth.
Log falls assassinated at hands of its own coreligionists in 1914 in a well-known riot like the " Tragic Ten ", usurping the Victorian power Orchard, one of the main enemies of Zapata and its army of indigenous farmers. In the north of the country the resistance against the usurper arises with force, being created the Constitutionalist Army headed by Venustiano Carranza, ex- governor of Chihuahua and landowner in the days of Porfirio Diaz. Between the bodies of the Constitutionalist Army they honor the Army of the Northwest, headed by Alvaro Obregón, and in the region of the Gulf Pablo González, but mainly the call " Division of the North " commanded by Francisco Villa, who never was recognized like a true army, although outside more powerful than the previous ones, which had mainly to be compound and directed by farmers with demands and slogans of class that always antagonizaron with the bourgeois small direction of Carranza and Obregón.
To the fall of the Victorian usurper Orchard, Carranza proclaims first head of the Revolution and assumes the presidency. The armies of Zapata and Villa do not agree and summon to the accomplishment of the " Convention of Aguascalientes ", where it would have to be outlined the future of the nation. Carranza loses force and leaves course to Veracruz, just vacated by the invading army of the United States that always played an important role in the course of the Revolution. Zapatista and Pancho Villa supporters take the City of Mexico and order the government to the president arisen from the Convention, Eulalio González, that would never leave to its vision also small bourgeois and months later it would flee to integrate itself to the carrancistas forces.
Thus, the native troops and farmer of the Mexican revolution were overcome by its own incapacity to formulate a solid program and to consolidate the real power of the Republic, more than by the treasons and murders of which they would be victims in the following years.
During the revolutionary period indigenous rebellions also arose, emphasizing the Yaqui War, in state of Sonant, which they left finally victorious and with the agreement being respected in his territory.
At the posrevolucionaria time it has already been documented that in many regions of the country continued the abuses and operation of natives and farmers.
In Yucatan War of Chaste untied to the call, that concealed a form to maintain the power on the part of the old landowners before the sprouting of socialist forces.
At national level, in addition to the rebellions by the fight of the power between the generals of the revolution, the War of the Cristeros was developed, that finally was defeated in its aspirations to restitute to the church the powers that were lost with Juárez.
Before the delay of solutions for the indigenous towns, the government believes in 1940 the National Institute Indigenista (INI), whose first coordinating center would settle down in Chiapas, as a form to take care of and to canalize the indigenous demands. To more than fifty years of its creation, the INI has verified its incapacity to solve the extreme misery, the forgetfulness and I leave behind economic and social that suffer million of Mexican in all the country.
In the heat of height of the modernizadora stage of the governments of the party of the institutionalized revolution (PRI) of years 50 and 60 arose social movements, some with indigenous base and farmer, as they were it the jaramillista movement, inheriting of the fight of Zapata in the state of Morelos, being obtained to reach agreements, so that finally their maximum leader, Rubén Jaramillo, outside betrayed and assassinated all their family along with.
For years 70, once verified the repressive and intolerante vocation of the governments of Diaz Ordaz and Echeverria in its repressions of the 2 of October of 1968 and of the 10 of June of 1970, a new stage in the war from guerrillas, whom one of its main centers in the Mountain range of Guerrero would have, and in the figures of the rural teachers Genaro Vázquez and Lucio arises Cabins, that guerrillas command farmers, extremely politicized in the fight of classes and the social revolution, that finally are defeated and assassinated.
In 1974 the Indigenous Congress is made in Chiapas that reunited to representatives of all the indigenous towns of the state and to many representatives of the country. In him they were sketched what they would be the main directives to solve some of the main indigenous problems, but little could be developed.
The government of Echeverria, also instituted the calls Supreme Advice, in many indigenous regions of the country, as a form to mediatizar the reaches of the renaciente National Indigenous Movement.
In the heat of economic crisis, the governments of Lopez Portillo and Miguel of Madrid little could make to prevent the constant impoverishment in all the orders of the indigenous life, more than to equip the INI with greater asistencialistas resources, and the creation of indigenistas broadcasters that have served to the governments like a thermometer of the situation that lives in the communities and indigenous towns.
Saline president Carlos, product of the questioned selections more in recent history, restored a new form to govern with his program Solidarity, doing use of the indigenous tradition of the communitarian work, the task, tequio, the flow-return, gozona, to promote an image of strength and social improvement. At the end of the decade of the years 80 and principles of years 90 the preparations of meetings at national and international level began on the meaning of 5º Centennial of the trip of Columbus. One organized the Continental Campaign 500 Years of Resistance, and in Mexico the Mexican Council 500 Years of Indigenous, Black and Popular Resistance, approached many indigenous organizations, farmers, workers, popular, unions, academic and students between many others, around the rejection to the culture of the fear and the deceit of the neoliberalism.
In March of 1992 the first great indigenous march is made that crossed the country from Palenque, Chiapas until the City of Mexico, with social slogans of defense of the human rights, stops to the repression and respect to the own authorities. For October of 1992 tens of thousands of natives they pacifically take the main cities of the country, pronouncing itself demanding that their demands are taken care of. In San Cristóbal of the Houses, Chiapas, and in Morelia, Michoacán is demolished the efigies of the conquerors, whereas in the City of Mexico, by nth time, they fail in his attempt to demolish to Cristóbal Columbus. The City of Mexico is the destiny of two great marches of more than 10 days of duration coming from Guerreo and Oaxacaa mainly.
Salt mines accede to take care of the reclamations through the INI, and the Secretariat of Social Development, and sign days a file later of more than 500 pages, that months later solution would not find some. The meetings of pursuit in the agreements were diluting until the weariness the indigenous demands, arriving at their total dissolution in March of 1993. Diverse indigenous organizations undertake the mobilization again, among them the Guerrerense Council 500 Years of Indigenous Resistance, that would make several marches to the capital of the country, in demand of the definitive cancellation of a hydroelectric project in San Juan Tetelcingo that would affect all the community, among other many demands. Regional congresses, and international encounter are also made to evaluate the situation of the natives of all the continent, among them the one of the Coordinator of Indigenous Nations of the Continent (CONIC) in October of 1993, Temoaya, State of Mexico, without it was suspected the present reaches of the indigenous fight by a harmonious life between all the beings and all the men.
· the four slopes: Indigenismo, culturalismo, milenarismo, indianismo
From its conception, the indigenous question in Mexico has been boarded at the recent time from four different optical:
1. The indigenismo, impelled by the State and its institutions.
2. The culturalismo, impelled as much by public and deprived institutions, like by a sector of the population.
3. The milenarismo, impelled by indigenous groups of the racially mixed society and some groups.
4. The indianismo, impelled by indigenous communities and their organizations.
1. The Mexican state indigenismo was restored in the decade of years 40 with the creation by presidential decree of the National Institute Indigenista (INI), which would be in charge to take care of the demands social of the indigenous towns. Integrated by politicians of race in its directive bodies, and by anthropologists, sociologists, etnólogos, historians, linguists, fundamentally racially mixed lawyers, in its body of employees, the INI has impelled a funcionalista tendency for the indigenista action, which it is in conceiving the action of the State towards the indigenous towns like which it provides with the conditions necessary to alleviate some of his deficiencies and to relieve the social pressures of the misery, insalubridad, lack of even qualification the use, etc.
The indigenismo has tried the integration of the indigenous towns to the nation project that have had the governments of the party in the power from 1928. This means that they would have to acquire the principles and the forms of the call " national society ", to assimilate itself in the conception of " the Mexican " like an all more or less homogenous one, starting off of the idea of " equality " between all the Mexicans.
The indigenismo cultivated a paternalista strategy towards the indigenous towns, arrogando the government the authority to decide by them the programs and projects of development that have reigned in Mexico during decades.
The indigenismo also has contributed to fortify a marginalista policy towards single the indigenous towns when considering them incapable in case to reach the minimums of well-being. One says that this situation has been product of an effective exclusion and operation from the times of Conquista that, to the passage of time, has been translated in its own denigración and declivity. The then government must provide welfare services to them, that do not attack the root of the problem.
The indigenismo has implemented the historical task to eliminate the Indian of the national life, or like individual, group or town. He argues himself that to have the condition of Indian he prevents to reach the benefits of the modern life, reason why the Indian must assimilate itself to the idea of " the Mexican " to leave the delay characteristic of the indigenous regions.
In his indigenista policy, the government also has impelled the idea of the progress, understood as the increase of the production and the income by commercial or labor activities. The competition of the free market is said that the indigenous towns must be united to the car of the production to obtain the development of the country and the his own one, by means of its incorporation, as much of the work market, as of the consumption market.
2. The culturalismo developed from some public and deprived institutions considers that the natives must conserve and develop their own culture, within the frame of the national life.
A historicista slope, maintains that the indigenous towns must reconstruct their past so that with base in him they solve his problems, with attachment to their traditions, without concerning the capitalist development of the country.
Another etnicista slope, maintains that the indigenous towns, in as much possessors of languages and own cultures, must be developed independently of the national culture, organizing its political, social, cultural and economic life in agreement with its own resources.
Finally, a tendency to treat the indigenous towns as national minorities maintain that the towns must be developed independently, with its own being able and control systems, integrating a multinational country.
3. The milenarismo is an expression of organized groups that have seen in cultural demands a form of fight by historical demands. Although they do not represent an important force within Indigenous the National Movement, they have been for a long time the visible face before the racially mixed society. They argue that it must be divided of the restitution and restoration, as much of the old territories as of the forms of government and social structuring, before the Colony. More than a fight program, these groups are oriented towards vindications of cultural character that do not solve by a side the critics conditions of life of the communities, and on the other hand do not raise what to do in an extremely diverse society like the Mexican.
4. Indianismo could be called to the force organizational and plural of indigenous organizations social, whom they look for to solve the secular problems of Earth possession and to obtain the legal recognition, institutional and social to the collective rights of the indigenous towns, as they are the free determination, the indigenous autonomy, the own normative systems, it forms of government and social structure, the planning and application of resources public, etc., all it from investigation and autogestionaria action.
In the specific forms of application of the principles of this slope of the National Indigenous Movement, they emphasize the currents regionalistic and comunalista the comunalista current sees in the principles of the comunalidad the base and germ of the indigenous autogestión and directs its efforts to the recognition of the indigenous communities like subjects of public right so that from concrete experiences to new structures and own forms of government and more harmonious relations with the national State and the Mexican society gradually can be constructed. The regionalists assure that the passage of the community or is given and now most important it is to obtain defined territorial spaces, that include/understand to one or several indigenous towns (pluriétnicas regions) and that can altogether face successful the attacks of the neoliberalism.
· present Moment (1994 to the date)
The rise armed of the EZLN the first minutes of January of 1994 and the promulgation of his First Declaration of the Lacandona Forest, meant a landmark in the recent history of Mexico, particularly for the indigenous towns. In their official notices, the EZLN declared the war to " usurping " president Salinas and to his Federal Army and announced their advance towards the capital of the country. It demanded the formation of a transition government that took care of the demands more apremianetes of the population and summoned to selections of a Constitutyente Congress. After military confrontations during 12 days, and one strong propagandistic campaign, the ample indigenous participation in the armed rise was recognized. At the end of January of 1994 most of the organizations farmers and natives of Chiapas Indigenous Organizations Council of and Farmer of Chiapas are summoned for the creation of the State (CEOIC). From his first meetings agglutinated so much to organizations coptadas by the official party and its National Confederation Farmer (CNC) like a independent organizations and others related to opposition parties. The impressive push of the indigenous bases and farmers of the first meetings of the CEOIC would be quickly mediatizaado and finally it would be left dividio and fragmented by the dissimilar forces that composed it. In the middle of 1994 already it existed an official CEOIC and one independent one, each one conducting battles to maintain the control on represented his. For February of 1994, already installed the call Dialogue of the Cathedral of La Paz, in San Cristóbal of the Houses, between the EZLN and commissioner Manuel Camacho, named directly by Salt mines, numerous meetings and indigenous assemblies of the organizations and towns were made. These were first that were pronounced please in the zapatista fight. After more than one week of negotiations, the zapatistas took consutla of their communities 34 proposals of the commissioner, that mainly contained social attendance to the slowst communities. Rarefied the national political climate by the murder of the official candidate to the presidency of the Republic, and untied the turbulence around the presidential succession, in June of 1994 the EZLN rejects the 34 offers of the peace commissioner. It is broken therefore the dialogue and negotiation with the federal government and the EZLN Second Declaration of the Lacandona Forest emits his, where it calls to form a great social movement in Mexico that finishes once and for all with the regime of the party of State. In August of 1994 Convención Nacional Democrática is made tremendous (CND), in the denominated place " Aguascalientes ", a monumental construction of trunks, laminae and tables in a slope of the ejido Guadalupe Tepeyac, in the Lacandona Forest. Between more than 8 thousand convencionistas were intellectuals, politicians, unionists, artists and leaders of social organizations mainly of opposition, and between which she told to a nourished group of representatives of communities and indigenous towns of the State of Mexico, DF, Morelos, Jalisco, Nayarit, Puebla, Tlaxcala, Veracruz, Guerrero, Oaxaca, Yucatan, and Chiapas. Integra a collective presidency of more than 100 people and remembers summon to meetings by sector and region to construct the program of fight of the CND. Once passed the selections federal and recognized the nth pro-government triumph of the governing party, in October of 1994 the EZLN sends a message to the civil society, so that it is prepared before the imminent continuity that represents Zedillo, the elect president. For November of 1994 one is made already debilitated 2a. session of the Democratic National Convention, where the divergences and the incapacity of their leaders arise to equip with a clear conduction the emergent social movement. In Chiapas, also the candidate of opposition to the gubernatura is defeated, in front of his rival of the official party. Following their times, tens of indigenous organizations of the country convican to the accomplishment of the first session of Indigenous the National Convention in December of 1994, in the city of Tlapa, the Mountain of Guerrero. There one remembers support in all the demands of the zapatistas insurgents and the different forms are analyzed in that the indigenous movement can work to fortify its fight. In same December the EZLN in 34 municipalities of Chiapas, accompanied by one of the worse economic crises of the country by the stupidity of the new government occurs to the military advance. In February of 1995 one is already made 2a. session of Indigenous the National Convention in Juchitán, Oaxaca, where a caravan in the direction of the CD of Mexico is received, and headed by the candidate to competing governor, just defeated. In April of 1995, and summoned by indigenous organizations who count on the support of opposition deputies, it is made in one of the halls the Congress of the Union 1a. Assembly of Plural Indigenous National by Autonomía (ANIPA), where they appear to discussion propose of inciativas of law for the constitutional reform that recognizes the indigenous autonomy, the creation of 4o. government level, and the creation of one sixth electoral circumscription, as a form to guarantee indigenous the political representation in the local and federal congresses and a territory where to exert its own governments and social systems. 2A. Assembly of ANIPA, is made in June of 1995 in Yaqui territory, in Hills of Bacum, Sonant. August of 1995, á. Assembly of ANIPA, Oaxaca, Oax. December of 1995. 4a. Assembly of ANIPA women. San Cristóbal of the Houses, Chiapas. March of 1995. 5a. ANIPA. Chilapa, Guerrero. New process of dialogue and negotiation of the EZLN and the federal government: December of 1994. Military breaking out of an encirclement on the part of the EZLN. 34 municipalities of Chiapas with zapatista presence. January of 1995. Third Declaration of the Lacandona Forest. First contacts with the government of Zedillo. February of 1995. Military offensive of Zedillo. Army and judicial police eliminate the " gray zones ". Law for the Dialogue and the Reconciliation. Creation of the Commission of Concord and Pacification and recognition of the National Commission of Intermediation. April of 1995. Agreement of San Miguel. May of 1995. Beginning of the Dialogue of San Andrés. September of 1995. Agreement on the " rules of Procedure " October of 1995. Installation of Mesa de Trabajo 1 " Rights and Indigenous Culture " November of 1995. Second Phase of Mesa 1. December of 1995. Preparatory regional forums of the FNI January of 1996. FNI January of 1996. Third phase of Mesa 1. February of 1996. Company/signature in the Agreements of San Andrés on Indigenous Rights and Culture. March of 1996. Installation of Mesa 2 " Democracy and Justice " April of 1996. Assembly of the FNI. Oventic, Chiapas. April of 1996. Second Phase of Mesa 2. May. of 1996. Crisis of the presumed imprisoned zapatistas by " terrorism ". June of 1996. Solution of the crisis. Freedom of Elorriaga and Entzin. June of 1996. Special forum for the Reformation of the State Julio of 1996. 2a. session of the FNI. Julio-Agosto of 1996. to 1er. Intercontinental encounter by the Humanity and against the Neoliberalism. August of 1996. Third phase of Mesa 2. September of 1996. Suspension of the Dialogue. October of 1996. Tripartite installation of Mesas EZLN-Cocopa-Conai, to solve the suspension of the dialogue. October of 1996. CNI, CD of Mexico. November of 1996. Installation of the Coseve. November of 1996. Assembly of the CNI High Milpa, DF November of 1996. COCOPA presents/displays its proposal of initiative of constitutional reforms. December of 1996. The EZLN accepts the COCOPA proposal. Zedillo requests 15 days to make consultations. December of 1996. Zedillo presents/displays its counterproposal of reforms. January of 1997. The EZLN rejects the counterproposal of the government and makes all the proposals public. February of 1997. COCOPA promises to make an uprising public, and to reactivate the process of dialogue and negotiation. CNI. - October of 1995. Installation of Mesa de Trabajo 1 " Rights and Indigenous Culture " November of 1995. Second Phase of Mesa 1. December of 1995. Preparatory regional forums of the FNI January of 1996. FNI January of 1996. Third phase of Mesa 1. February of 1996. Company/signature in the Agreements of San Andrés on Indigenous Rights and Culture. April of 1996. Assembly of the FNI. Oventic, Chiapas. Julio of 1996. 2a. session of the FNI. October of 1996. CNI, CD of Mexico. November of 1996. Installation of the Coseve. November of 1996. Assembly of the CNI High Milpa, DF November of 1996. COCOPA presents/displays its proposal of initiative of constitutional reforms. December of 1996. The EZLN accepts the COCOPA proposal. Zedillo requests 15 days to make consultations. December of 1996. Zedillo presents/displays its counterproposal of reforms. January of 1997. The EZLN rejects the counterproposal of the government and makes all the proposals public. January of 1997. The Commission of Pursuit of the CNI decides to meet monthly to evaluate and to take measures. February of 1997. COCOPA promises to make an uprising public, and to reactivate the process of dialogue and negotiation.